Postscript to comments on the tragic day of April 7, 2009. Founding myth of the liberal 
neo-bolsheviks in full offensive
The first anniversary of the events of a year ago has flagrantly increased the preoccupation of the current power to make sacred that tragedy by dividing the roles for political forces in Moldova and for participants in the major conflict of that day.
Therefore, the liberal regime has reserved the position of collective hero, the one who make historical justice, Messiah bringer of change. In their interpretation, all the demonstrators are, as it is according to the known communist interpretations, the driving force of history, i.e. a kind of substitute to proletariat, who tailors the “bright future” by using revolutionary methods. The negative role comes on the former communist government, police in general, and on all those who are not with them, with current power and who – isn’t so? – being not with them, are against them. Therefore, they, enemies of the Revolution, have to be destroyed, crushed, stigmatized and put in jail. They do not recognize the right of others to exist in the public life there, to maintain their disagreement with current power without being labeled as enemies of the people and of the “Revolution of April the 7th“.
Thus, the 7th of April becomes for Moldovan liberals precisely what to the bolsheviks was the 7th of November. Practically, there is no conceptual difference between the two ideological fundamentalisms. Both represent a concept that promote the hate and intolerance toward those who are not enrolled in liberal revolutionary cohorts. The bolsheviks after the October 1917 coup, as well as the liberals after the alleged revolution of April 7, 2009, have turned the rule of law’ institutions in tools for annihilation of political opponents. The state apparatus has become a purely repressive, cleansing of personnel and replacing them with “our people” had acquired unprecedented proportions. Almost all media become a propaganda tool of the regime. The General Prosecutor’s Office is detachment of elite troops of persecution and coercion of opponents and, concomitantly, for protection of the exponents of existing power.
The difference between bolsheviks of Vladimir Lenin and liberals of Vladimir Filat, seconded by his comrades from the other parties of the ruling alliance, is determined only by historical context, who do not allow the last ones to operate the repressions of the similar scales as that of committed by the red commissioners.
April 7, 2009, just as the November 7, 1917, is the founding myth of the new power. As in one case, as in the formulas of coup or violent overthrow the state power is replaced with more romantic notion and eventually an euphemistic one of Revolution. Even though the three linguistic formulas are perfect synonyms, the public perception of the term used mainly by liberals is a positive one. Since the French Revolution on this retains somehow an aura of nobility. The founding myth of this self-sufficient, closed and aggressive ideology today is transformed into a kind of para-religion, into a new state ideology. Manipulation of masses through media, by the maneuvers of prosecution on the investigation of those events is the key elements in the large operation of legitimating the current power, born in “fire of Revolution” of a year ago.
In order to catch better the masses in its propagandistic nets, the new power cynically used the tragic, regrettable and blamable death of Valeriu Boboc and maltreatment of some young people detained by police. For the same goals of propaganda, same cynicism, the current power didn’t wait at for at least formal conclusion of the prosecution, investigations or for the report of the parliamentary investigation Commission. Even on the 7th of April all TV and radio outlets affiliates to the current power have largely broadcasted the suite of actions aimed at making sacred the events of a year ago. In the downtown a model of a monument was presented, the acting President Ghimpu has conferred postmortem to Valeriu Boboc the highest state distinction. Therefore, the “Revolution” has its martyrs, venerated in circumstances of pretended solemnity precisely by those who have betrayed the young people who got on streets due to most sincere reasons, for democracy and for Europe. The Young people who have invaded the central square last year are fully entitled to ask now the heads of liberal parties why they ran away, why they betrayed Valeriu Boboc and others by fleeing away from the square before the demonstrators? Why Filat, Chirtoaca, Ghimpu, Urechean and others have not stayed overnight to persuade young people to go home and to prevent any attack by law enforcement forces? Valeriu Boboc would have been alive today if it had not been left by to those who have brought him into the square.
As authorities misinform in bad faith the public opinion concerning the events of a year ago and present them truncated, we consider it necessary to make some clarifications of principle.
The tragedy of April 7, 2009 has resulted in two categories of victims:
1) policemen, who were in duty, assaulted by violent demonstrators, without showing a minimal aggression against protesters. (Chronologically, precisely the guards in duty became victims of aggressors. It is about what happened during the day of April 7, 2009. Authorities and the prosecution service controlled by them didn’t sketched any gesture to express regret over the molestation of hundreds of policemen, or to conduct investigations to establish those who have attacked the police.)
2) demonstrators, some of them peaceful and innocent, others violent. (Chronologically they were attacked by law enforcement forces during the night of 7 to 8 April. Worthwhile to note that present power, including its affiliated prosecution service, uses to cut from the chain of events just these moments, definitely regrettable and blamable).
In connection with the events of April 2009 there are at least three categories of people who clearly violated the law:
1) official organizers of protests, i.e. those who have submitted requests to the capital’s City Hall, assuming the responsibility to ensure the peaceful nature of the meetings. These are: Vladimir Filat, LDPM chairman, Anghel Agachi and Victor Rosca, members of LDPM management and Natalia Morari, Artur Gurau and Elena Zgardan. (These people, being at the top of the pyramid of state or representing clients of the current governance, are under its protection and are absolved of any topic liability.)
2) provocateurs, instigators, looters, who have attacked the law enforcement , urged the crowds to violence, devastated, burned and rubbed the buildings of Presidency and Parliament. (These are also the clients of current governance, both politicians and young vandals. They are not prosecuted, nor blame by the prosecution authorities. They are “heroes of the revolution”.)
3) policemen, who used excessive violence against young people who had remained on the night of 7 to 8 April, 2009 in Chisinau downtown. (These are listed as criminals before investigation and court trial proving the guilt or innocence of every policemen. The acting President, M. Ghimpu, Mayor of Chisinau, D. Chirtoaca, Prime minister, V. Filat, first deputy Speaker, Urechean, are competing in invectives and accusations against the police, violating the principle of the presumption of innocence, of which must enjoy every citizen under the rule of law.)
Given the fragility of the rule of law’ institutions, kept under paralysis by the current power, we have no reason to hope that justice will triumph and we will know the whole truth of the events of April 7, 2009. Moreover, there are real risks that real culprits of the last year’ disaster would be absolved of any liability, being convicted only several policemen, who’ll been assigned the role of scapegoats.
Under these circumstances, when the rule of law’ institutions became tools of repression in the hands of governance, when the deceit and manipulation are the basic tools of the current power, when the logic of confrontation and war are used as the main weapon to struggle with political opponents, and the dialogue compromise and consensus have left the circuit of the relationship between power and opposition, we can certainly say that society is pushed into the abyss of new large-scale confrontations.
Iurie Rosca
April 8, 2010
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